We Are All Jordan: The Issue of Ownership

The highly-promoted "We are all Jordan" forum has ended yesterday with the declaration of a 30 page action plan filled with promises on political reforms and other issues of priority in Jordan. I will post some detailed articles about specific recommendations of the forum but would like to address the issue of how this forum was managed and what are the critical factors that make people very skeptical of its succes and what are the elements of potential success.

"We are all Jordan" is the third national process for "political reform" since 2003 (Jordan First, National Agenda, WE are all Jordan). This plethora of reform attempts had cast a justified shadow of skepticism, and even complete rejection and frustration about the whole reform process among many people in the country whether politicians or ordinary citizens. So, what is different in this new process?

To begin with, wome people ask why do we need political reform, if we truely need it?

I think this question is similar to asking "why do we live". This is a basic definitions' question. We all agree-except for a few conservative beneficiaries of the current political system- that Jordan needs to modify the way it is being governed by. There are plenty of problmes including low level of freedoms, low level of public participation, high level of corruption, inadequate political parties, fear from engagement in political life and mostly inability of people to have an impact on how political decisions are being made.

We all know we need reform, but what kind? Some people would love to remain in the status quo with the few minority of corrupt officials and private sector players taking the lead. There is a strong public push for Islamic rules to gain more strength. There are strong traditional forces of nepotism and tribalism and there is the occasional impact of leftist and ultra-national groups.

I must state my own objectives as a Jordanian citizen in this stage. I am a patriot Jordanian who wants to live in a country of freedoms, modernization, social justice and democracy with little tribalism, fundamentalism and revolutionary Arab nationalism (Saddam/Asad style). This is my cause and I will be able to identify with any effort raising these slogans even if the potential of delivery is low. This is why I still see the full half of the glass while addressing these processes of reform.

Jordan First was a process launched by the King (actually all the processes were by the King, only) and it contained the selection of a group of representatives of all sectors to produce a document of principles. The document was produced and it was actually a very good guideline for political reform. However, Jordan First was a still-born process because it contained its cancerous cells in its own body: the slogan.

"Jordan First" was always to be misunderstood. Jordanians from Eastern Jordanian origins thought it was a "Jordanians First" slogan and started to use it in an exclusive way, provoking Jordanians from Palestinian origins to think the slogan was made to isolate them. It is ironic that, in this stupid game of misunderstanding, the first decision taken by the first meeting of the Jordan First committee was to push for giving Jordanian nationality to children of Jordanian mothers. This issue was always refused by hard-line East Jordanians and pushed for by Jordanians from palestinian origins. The process was clinically dead after that when the Iraq war erupted and most people thought Jordan First was designed to isolate Jordan from Iraq.

The National Agenda Committee was formed by the King in 2005 and it included 27 Jordanian figures headed by former Foreign Minister Marwan Mouasher, who is known in Jordan as the "leading" reformist in the country. The Committee contained hard-line conservatives and was supported by the King in public. As soon as it started its work the national debate between reformists-conservatives erupted. Conservatives accused reformists of "breaking-up the fabric of Jordan" to allow for the "alternative home" for Palestinians and settlement of Palestinian refugess. They have develoepd a very dangerous illusion that reformists are mostly "Palestinians" and Conservatives are Jordanians. In fact the only concern of conservatives was their own benefits within the political /tribal system which was to be questioned and revoked had any reformist plans went through.

The blow to the National Agenda came from one recommendation that was deliberatley leaked by conservatives that the Agenda recommended to abolish mandatory membership in the Press Association. The journalists who are memberes in the PA waged a rough war on the National Agenda on behalf of conservatives and won it, by sending a fuming wave of criticism for the Agenda. In the end, the Agenda Commitee was split on the electoral law where 3-4 members refused to change the one man vote system and the Agenda failed to deliver on this important topic.

The Agenda was launched in 2006 without glamour. Although it had been adopted by the government it was obvious that no members of the Agenda committee except Marwan Mouasher were committed enough to defend it in public.

The two failed attempts raised a question of ownership. In the Jordan First nobody owned the process. In National Agenda 27 unelected members were divided and each Jordanian with a public position outside the Agenda Committee said the Committee did not represent the people of Jordan. It was clear that for any reform process two things have to be done, urgently:

1- Delivery: the people of Jordan will not accept another failure.

2- Inclusivness: each and every one of the so-called Jordanian elite has to be participating so that he/she will not backfire on the process.

You know, some people asked why the King does not force them all to sign on what he wants for reform in the country? in the end he is a king. This could have been a garve mistake and the King is smart. He wants people to have ownership and I think this is why a gigantic gathering of 700 people had to take place in what became to be known as "We are all Jordan". A slogan that will not awake the demographic ghosts to haunt its activities!

The 700 invitees were selected by the Royal Court. The process was based on bringing together:

1- Government: all ministers, secretary generals, high-level officials. (almost 150)

2- Parliamnet: all senates and deputies (150)

3- High-level members of civil society organizations including parties and unions (150)

4- main figures in the private sector (100)

5- Municipalities and public figures in rural araes (50).

6- Journalists (50)

7- Academics (50)

This spectrum was intended to cover all sectors. Of course no gathering in Jordan can bring all stakeholders together but this is the closest it can get.

The first round was not very impressive. Participants were asked to prioritize a list of 30 issues to select 15 main priorities. This was mostly an exercise without much participation. The 15 priorities were classified in 6 sectors after the first round:

1- Strengthening Internal Front.

2- Political Reforms.

3- Economic Reforms.

4- Social Security.

5- Palestinian Issues.

6- Regional Challenges

The 15 priorities were inserted within the 6 sectors and for each priority a roundtable discussion that lasted for two days ( 8 hours in total) resulted with a set of recommendations. I attended the Human Rights sessions headed by Mrs Laila Sharaf and managed by Dr. Eid Duheiat and I think both did a great job in respecting and dealing with all opinions. In the session, there have been 4 ministers but their views did not prevail over any one, and they were considered equal to views of journalists, NGO representatives and municipalities.

This was an open exercise and it was good. I have participated and organized many brainstorming sessions for NGOs, academia, public and private sector and that was one of the most open exchanges of ideas I have witnessed.

The real challenge is to turn ideas into practices. I will post about the detailed recommendations later. For me, this is a process that I will promote until it proves me wrong. I have no alternative but to pursue any effort for political reform and democratization in Jordan. This is why I exist as a concerned Jordanian citizen.